“опик: Regional variation of pronunciation in the south-west of England
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ƒипломна€ работа по фонетике английского €зыка на тему:
ЂREGIONAL VARIATION OF PRONUNCIATION IN THE SOUTH-WEST OF ENGLANDї
Part I. The Specific Features of dialects
1. What is the УdialectФ?ЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ4
2. Geographic dialectsЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ5
3. Dialectal change and diffusionЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ...5
4. Unifying influences on dialectsЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ..8
5. Focal, relic, and transitional areasЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ..9
6. Received PronunciationЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ.9
7. Who first called it PR?ЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ.10
8. Social VariationЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ11
9. Dialects of England: Traditional and ModernЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ..12
Part II. Background to the Cornish Language
1. Who are the Cornish?ЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ...15
2. What is a Celtic Language?ЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ.15
3. How is Cornish Related to other Celtic Languages?ЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ...15
4. The Decline of CornishЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ15
5. The Rebirth of CornishЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ16
6. Standard CornishЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ..16
7. Who uses Cornish Today?ЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ...16
8. Government Recognition for CornishЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ..16
Part III. Peculiarities of South-Western Dialects
3.2.1 Gender making in Wessex-type EnglishЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ.27
3.5.1 Demonstrative adjectives and pronouns in a Devonshire
3.8 Transitivity and intransivity in the dialects of South-West EnglandЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ...44
The modern English language is an international language nowadays. It
is also the first spoken language of such countries as Australia, New
Zealand, Canada, South Africa.
But in the very United Kingdom there are some varieties of it, called
dialects, and accents.
The purpose of the present research paper is to study the
characteristic features of the present day dialect of the South-Western
region in particular.
To achieve this purpose it is necessary to find answers to the
- What is the УdialectФ?
- Why and where is it spoken?
- How does it differ from the standard language?
Methods of this research paper included the analysis of works of the
famous linguists and phoneticians as Peter Trudgill and J.K. Chambers,
Paddock and Harris, J.A. Leuvensteijn and J.B. Berns, M.M. Makovsky and
D.A. Shakhbagova, and also the needed information from Britannica and the
encyclopedia by David Crystal and the speech of the native population of
Devonshire and Wiltshire.
Structurally the paper consists of three parts focused on the
information about Уthe dialectФ in general and the ways it differs from the
standard language (its phonetic, grammar and other linguistic differences),
and the specific features of the South-West of England.
The status of the English language in the XXth century has undergone
certain changes. Modern English has become a domineering international
language of nowadays.
PART I. The Specific Features of dialects.
1. What is the УdialectФ?
Dialect is a variety of a language. This very word comes from the
Ancient Greek dialectos Уdiscourse, language, dialectФ, which is derived
from dialegesthai Уto discourse, talkФ. A dialect may be distinguished from
other dialects of the same language by features of any part of the
linguistic structure - the phonology, morphology, or syntax.
УThe label dialect, or dialectal, is attached to substandard speech,
language usage that deviates from the accepted norm. On the other hand the
standard language can be regarded as one of the dialects of a given
language. In a special historical sense, the term dialect applies to a
language considered as one of a group deriving from a common ancestor, e.g.
English dialectsФ. (є9, p.389)
It is often considered difficult to decide whether two linguistic
varieties are dialects of the same language or two separate but closely
related languages; this is especially true of dialects of primitive
Normally, dialects of the same language are considered to be mutually
intelligible while different languages are not. Intelligibility between
dialects is, however, almost never absolutely complete; on the other hand,
speakers of closely related languages can still communicate to a certain
extent when each uses his own mother tongue. Thus, the criterion of
intelligibility is quite relative. In more developed societies, the
distinction between dialects and related languages is easier to make
because of the existence of standard languages and, in some cases, national
There is the term СvernacularТ among the synonyms for dialect; it
refers to the common, everyday speech of the ordinary people of a region.
The word accent has numerous meanings; in addition to denoting the
pronunciation of a person or a group of people (Уa foreign accentФ, Уa
British accentФ, Уa Southern accentФ). In contrast to accent, the term
dialect is used to refer not only to the sounds of language but also to its
grammar and vocabulary.
2. Geographic dialects.
The most widespread type of dialectal differentiation is geographic.
As a rule, the speech of one locality differs from that of any other place.
Differences between neighbouring local dialects are usually small, but, in
travelling farther in the same direction, differences accumulate.
УEvery dialectal feature has its own boundary line, called an isogloss
(or sometimes heterogloss). Isoglosses of various linguistic phenomena
rarely coincide completely, and by crossing and interweaving they
constitute intricate patterns on dialect maps. Frequently, however, several
isoglosses are grouped approximately together into a bundle of isoglosses.
This grouping is caused either by geographic obstacles that arrest the
diffusion of a number of innovations along the same line or by historical
circumstances, such as political borders of long standing, or by migrations
that have brought into contact two populations whose dialects were
developed in noncontiguous areasФ. (є9, p.396)
Geographic dialects include local ones or regional ones. Regional
dialects do have some internal variation, but the differences within a
regional dialect are supposedly smaller than differences between two
regional dialects of the same rank.
УIn a number of areas (Уlinguistic landscapesФ) where the dialectal
differentiation is essentially even, it is hardly justified to speak of
regional dialects. This uniformity has led many linguists to deny the
meaningfulness of such a notion altogether; very frequently, however,
bundles of isoglosses - or even a single isogloss of major importance -
permit the division, of a territory into regional dialects. The public is
often aware of such divisions, usually associating them with names of
geographic regions or provinces, or with some feature of pronunciation.
Especially clear-cut cases of division are those in which geographic
isolation has played the principal roleФ. (є9, p.397)
3. Dialectal change and diffusion.
The basic cause of dialectal differentiation is linguistic change.
Every living language constantly changes in its various elements. Because
languages are extremely complex systems of signs, it is almost
inconceivable that linguistic evolution could affect the same elements and
even transform them in the same way in all regions where one language is
spoken and for all speakers in the same region. At first glance,
differences caused by linguistic change seem to be slight, but they
inevitably accumulate with time (e.g. compare ChaucerТs English with modern
English). Related languages usually begin as dialects of the same language.
УWhen a change (an innovation) appears among only one section of the
speakers of a language, this automatically creates a dialectal difference.
Sometimes an innovation in dialect A contrasts with the unchanged usage
(archaism) in dialect B. Sometimes a separate innovation occurs in each of
the two dialects. Of course, different innovations will appear in different
dialects, so that, in comparison with its contemporaries, no one dialect as
a whole can be considered archaic in any absolute sense. A dialect may be
characterized as relatively archaic, because it shows fewer innovations
than the others; or it may be archaic in one feature onlyФ. (є9, p.415)
After the appearance of a dialectal feature, interaction between
speakers who have adopted this feature and those who have not leads to the
expansion of its area or even to its disappearance. In a single social
milieu (generally the inhabitants of the same locality, generation and
social class), the chance of the complete adoption or rejection of a new
dialectal feature is very great; the intense contact and consciousness of
membership within the social group fosters such uniformity. When several
age groups or social strata live within the same locality and especially
when people speaking the same language live in separate communities
dialectal differences are easily maintained.
УThe element of mutual contact plays a large role in the maintenance
of speech patterns; that is why differences between geographically distant
dialects are normally greater than those between dialects of neighbouring
settlements. This also explains why bundles of isoglosses so often form
along major natural barriers - impassable mountain ranges, deserts,
uninhabited marshes or forests, or wide rivers - or along political
borders. Similarly, racial or religious differences contribute to
linguistic differentiation because contact between members of one faith or
race and those of another within the same area is very often much more
superficial and less frequent than contact between members of the same
racial or religious group. An especially powerful influence is the
relatively infrequent occurrence of intemarriages, thus preventing
dialectal mixture at the point where it is most effective; namely, in the
mother tongue learned by the child at homeФ. (є9, p.417)
The fact that speech, in particular, can give such a clear answer to
the question УWhere are you from?Ф exercises a peculiar fascination, and
the terms dialect and accent are a normal part of everyday vocabulary. We
can notice regional differences in the way people talk, laugh at dialect
jokes, enjoy dialect literature and folklore and appreciate the point of
At the same time - and this is the paradox of dialect study - we can
easily make critical judgements about ways of speaking which we perceive as
alien. These attitudes are usually subconscious.
The study of regional linguistic variation is very important. The more
we know about regional variation and change in the use of English, the more
we will come to appreciate the individuality of each of the varieties which
we call dialects, and the less we are likely to adopt demeaning stereotypes
about people from other parts of the country.
As for the United Kingdom until 1700 the small population was sparsely
distributed and largely rural and agricultural, much as it had been in
medieval times. From the mid-18th century, scientific and technological
innovations created the first modern industrial state, while, at the same
time, agriculture was undergoing technical and tenurial changes and
revolutionary improvements in transport made easier the movement of
materials and people. As a result, by the first decade of the 19th century,
a previously mainly rural population had been largely replaced by a nation
made up of industrial workers and town dwellers.
The rural exodus was a long process. The breakdown of communal farming
started before the 14th century; and subsequently enclosures advanced
steadily, especially after 1740, until a century later open fields had
virtually disappeared from the landscape. Many of the landless agricultural
labourers so displaced were attracted to the better opportunities for
employment and the higher wage levels existing in the growing industries;
their movements, together with those of the surplus population produced by
the contemporary rapid rise in the birth rate, resulted in a high volume of
internal migration that took the form of a movement toward the towns.
Industry, as well as the urban centres that inevitably grew up around
it, was increasingly located near the coalfields, while the railway
network, which grew rapidly after 1830, enhanced the commercial importance
of many towns. The migration of people especially young people, from the
country to industrialized towns took place at an unprecedented rate in the
early railway age, and such movements were relatively confined
Soon after World War I, new interregional migrations flow commenced
when the formerly booming 19th-century industrial and mining districts lost
much of their economic momentum. Declining or stagnating heavy industry in
Clydeside, northeastern England, South Wales, and parts of Lancashire and
Yorkshire swelled the ranks of the unemployed, and the consequent outward
migration became the drift to the relatively more prosperous Midlands and
southern England. This movement of people continued until it was arrested
by the relatively full employment conditions that obtained soon after the
outbreak of World War II.
In the 1950-s, opportunities for employment in the United Kingdom
improved with government sponsored diversification of industry, and this
did much to reduce the magnitude of the prewar drift to the south. The
decline of certain northern industries - coal mining shipbuilding, and
cotton textiles in particular - had nevertheless reached a critical level
by the late 1960s, and the emergence of new growth points in the West
Midlands and southwestern England made the drift to the south a continuing
feature of British economic life. Subsequently, the area of most rapid
growth shifted to East Anglia, the South West, and the East Midlands. This
particular spatial emphasis resulted from the deliberately planned movement
of people to the New Towns in order to relieve the congestion around
4. Unifying influences on dialects.
Communication lines such as roads (if they are at least several
centuries old), river valleys, or seacoasts often have a unifying
influence. Also important urban centres often form the hub of a circular
region in which the same dialect is spoken. In such areas the prestige
dialect of the city has obviously expanded. As a general rule, those
dialects, or at least certain dialectal features, with greater social
prestige tend to replace those that are valued lower on the social scale.
In times of less frequent contact between populations, dialectal
differences increase, in periods, of greater contact, they diminish. Mass
literacy, schools, increased mobility of populations, and mass
communications all contribute to this tendency.
Mass migrations may also contribute to the formation of a more or less
uniform dialect over broad geographic areas. Either the resulting dialect
is that of the original homeland of a particular migrating population or it
is a dialect mixture formed by the levelling of differences among migrants
from more than one homeland. The degree of dialectal differentiation
depends to a great extent on the length of time a certain population has
remained in a certain place.
5. Focal, relic, and transitional areas.
Dialectologists often distinguish between focal areas - which provide
sources of numerous important innovations and usually coincide with centres
of lively economic or cultural activity - and relic areas - places toward
which such innovations are spreading but have not usually arrived. (Relic
areas also have their own innovations, which, however, usually extend over
a smaller geographical area.)
УRelic areas or relic phenomena are particularly common in out-of-the-
way regional pockets or along the periphery of a particular languageТs
The borders of regional dialects often contain transitional areas that
share some features with one neighbour and some with the other. Such
mixtures result from unequal diffusion of innovations from both sides.
Similar unequal diffusion in mixed dialects in any region also may be a
consequence of population mixture created by migrationsФ. (є9, p.420)
6. Received Pronunciation.
УThe abbreviation RP (Received Pronunciation) denotes the speech of
educated people living in London and the southeast of England and of other
people elsewhere who speak in this way. If the qualifier СeducatedТ be
assumed, RP is then a regional (geographical) dialect, as contrasted with
London Cockney, which is a class (social) dialect. RP is not intrinsically
superior to other varieties of English; it is itself only one particular
regional dialect that has, through the accidents of history, achieved more
extensive use than others. Although acquiring its unique status without the
aid of any established authority, it may have been fostered by the public
schools (Winchester, Eton, Harrow and so on) and the ancient universities
(Oxford and Cambridge). Other varieties of English are well preserved in
spite of the levelling influences of film, television, and radioФ. (є8,
The ancestral form of RP was well-established over 400 years ago as
the accent of the court and the upper classes. The English courtier George
Puttenham writing in 1589 thought that the English of nothern men, whether
they be noblemen or gentlemenЕ is not so courtly or so current as our
Southern English is.
The present-day situation.
Today, with the breakdown of rigid divisions between social classes
and the development of the mass media, RP is no longer the preserve of a
social elite. It is most widely heard on the BBC; but there are also
conservative and trend-setting forms.
Early BBC recordings show how much RP has altered over just a few
decades, and they make the point that no accent is immune to change, not
even Уthe bestФ. But the most important fact is that RP is no longer as
widely used today as it was 50 years ago. Most educated people have
developed an accent which is a mixture of RP and various regional
characteristics - Уmodified RPФ, some call it. In some cases, a former RP
speaker has been influenced by regional norms; in other cases a former
regional speaker has moved in the direction of RP.
7. Who first called it RP?
The British phonetician Daniel Jones was the first to codify the
properties of RP. It was not a label he much liked, as he explains in УAn
Outline of English PhoneticsФ (1980):
УI do not consider it possible at the present time to regard any
special type as УstandardФ or as intrinsically УbetterФ than other types.
Nevertheless, the type described in this book is certainly a useful one. It
is based on my own (Southern) speech, and is, as far as I can ascertain,
that generally used by those who have been educated at УpreparatoryФ
boarding schools and the УPublic SchoolsФЕ The term УReceived
PronunciationФЕ is often used to designate this type of pronunciation. This
term is adopted here for want of a betterФ. (1960, 9th edn, p.12)
The historical linguist H.C. Wyld also made much use of the term
СreceivedТ in УA Short History of EnglishФ (1914):
УIt is proposed to use the term СReceived StandardТ for that form
which all would probably agree in considering the best that form which has
the widest currency and is heard with practically no variation among
speakers of the better class all over the countryФ. (1927, 3rd edn, p.149)
The previous usage to which Jones refers can be traced back to the
dialectologist A.J. Ellis, in УOn Early English PronunciationФ (1869):
УIn the present day we may, however, recognize a received
pronunciation all over the countryЕ It may be especially considered as the
educated pronunciation of the metropolis of the court, the pulpit, and the
Even then, there were signs of the future, for he goes on to say:
УBut in as much as all these localities and professions are recruited
from the provinces, there will be a varied thread of provincial utterance
running through the wholeФ.ї (є8, p.365)
8. Social variation.
As for the accents, they refer to the varieties in pronunciation,
which convey information about a personТs geographical origin. These
varieties are partly explained by social mobility and new patterns of
settlement. Distinct groups or social formation within the whole may be set
off from each other in a variety of ways: by gender, by age, by class, by
ethnic identity. Particular groups will tend to have characteristic ways of
using the language-characteristic ways of pronouncing it, - for example -
and these will help to mark off the boundaries of one group from another.
They belong to different social groups and perform different social roles.
A person might be identified as Сa womanТ, Сa parentТ, Сa childТ, Сa
doctorТ, or in many other ways. Many people speak with an accent, which
shows the influence of their place of work. Any of these identities can
have consequences for the kind of language they use. Age, sex, and socio-
economic class have been repeatedly shown to be of importance when it comes
to explaining the way sounds, constructions, and vocabulary vary.
I think the best example to show it is the famous play УPygmalionФ by
Bernard Shaw touched upon social classes, speech and social status of
people using different types of accents and dialects. One of the ideas was
that it is possible to tell from a personТs speech not only where he comes
from but what class he belongs to. But no matter what class a person
belongs to, he can easily change his pronunciation depending on what
environment he finds himself in. The heroine Liza aired his views, saying:
УWhen a child is brought to a foreign country, it picks up the language in
a few weeks, and forgets its own. Well, I am a child in your country. I
have forgotten my own language, and can speak nothing but yours.Ф (є13,
So some conclusions about the kinds of social phenomena that influence
change through contact with other dialects can be made:
a) dialects differ from region through the isolation of groups of speakers;
b) dialects change through contact with other dialects;
c) the upper classes reinforce Standard English and RP through education.
9. Dialects of England: Traditional and Modern.
After the retirement of the Romans from the island the invading
immigrants were the Jutes, Saxons, Danes and Angles. The Jutes seized Kent,
The Isle of Wight and a part of the mainland; the Saxons had all those
parts that have now the suffix СsexТ, as Essex, Sussex, Middlesex, and
Wessex; and the Angles took possession of that tract of the north that has
the present terminations СlandТ, СshireТ and СfolkТ, as Suffolk, Yorkshire,
Northumberland. These last afterwards gave the name to the whole island.
Dialects are not to be considered corruption of a language, but as
varieties less favoured than the principal tongue of the country. Of the
various dialects, it must be borne in mind that the northern countries
retain many words now obsolete in current English: these words are of the
genuine Teutonic stock. The pronunciation may seem rough and harsh, but is
the same as that used by the forefathers; consequently it must not be
considered barbarous. The other countries of England differ from the
vernacular by a depraved pronunciation.
Awareness of regional variation in England is evident from the
fourteenth century, seen in the observation of such writers as
Higden/Trevisa or William Caxton and in the literary presentation of the
characters in ChaucerТs УReeveТs TaleФ or the Wakefield УSecond ShepherdТs
PlayФ. Many of the writers on spelling and grammar in the 16th and 17th
centuries made comments about regional variation, and some (such as
Alexander Gil) were highly systematic in their observants, though the
material is often obscured by a fog of personal prejudices.
The picture which emerges from the kind of dialect information
obtained by the Survey of English Dialects relates historically to the
dialect divisions recognized in Old and Middle English.
The classification of modern dialects presents serious difficulties as
their boundaries are rather vague and the language standard more and more
invades the spread area of the dialectal speech. One of the most serious
attempts at such classification was made by A. Ellis. His classification
more or less exactly reflects the dialectal map of modern Great Britain and
it was taken as the basis by many dialectologists.
The map below displays thirteen traditional dialect areas (it excludes
the western tip of Cornwall and most of Wales, which were not English
speaking until the 18th century). A major division is drawn between the
North and everywhere else, broadly following the boundary between the Anglo-
Saxon kingdoms of Northumbria and Mercia, and a Secondary division is found
between much of the Midlands and areas further south. A hierarchal
representation of the dialect relationship is shown below. (є8, p.324).
Relatively few people in England now speak a dialect of the kind
represented above. Although some forms will still be encountered in real
life, they are more often found in literary representations of dialect
speech and in dialect humour books. The disappearance of such
pronunciations, and their associated lexicon and grammar, is sometimes
described as УEnglish dialects dying outФ. The reality is that they are
more than compensated for by the growth of a range of comparatively new
dialect forms, chiefly associated with the urban areas of the country. If
the distinguishing features of these dialects are used as the basis of
classification, a very different-looking dialect map emerges with 16 major
Part II. Background of the Cornish language.
The southwestern areas of England include Devonshire, Somersetshire,
Cornwall, Wiltshire and Dosertshire. But first of all IТd like to draw your
attention to the Cornish language as it doesnТt exist now.
The History of Cornish.
1. Who are the Cornish?
The Cornish are a Celtic people, in ancient times the Westernmost
kingdom of the Dumnonii, the people who inhabited all of Cornwall, Devon
and West Somerset.
The Cornish are probably the same people who have lived in Cornwall
since the introduction of farming around 3000 B.C.. The start of farming in
Cornwall may also indicate the start of what some scholars now term Сproto
Indo-EuropeanТ, from whence the Celtic languages along with the Italic and
other related groups of languages began evolving.
2. What is a Celtic Language?
Around 2000 B.C., the group of languages now called Celtic languages
started to split away from the other members of the Indo-European group of
languages. By 1200 B.C. Celtic civilisation, a heroic culture with its own
laws and religion is first known. It is from this period that the first
king lists and legends are believed to come.
3. How is Cornish Related to other Celtic Languages?
Between 1500 B.C. and the first encounters with the Romans (around 350
B.C.), the Celtic languages are believed to split into two distinct groups,
the СpТ and СqТ Celtic branches. Cornish, Welsh and Breton (to which
Cornish is most closely related) are the three remaining СpТ Celtic
languages. Irish, Scots Gaelic and Manx being the СqТ Celtic tongues.
4. The Decline of Cornish.
Cornish developed pretty much naturally into a modern European
language until the 17th century, after which it came under pressure by the
encroachment of English. Factors involved in its decline included the
introduction of the English prayer book, the rapid introduction of English
as a language of commerce and most particularly the negative stigma
associated with what was considered by Cornish people themselves as the
language of the poor.
5. The Rebirth of Cornish.
Cornish died out as a native language in the late 19th century, with
the last Cornish speaker believed to have lived in Penwith. By this time
however, Cornish was being revived by Henry Jenner, planting the seeds for
the current state of the language and it is supposed that the last native
speaker was the fishwoman Dolly Pentreath.
6. Standard Cornish.
Standard Cornish was developed from JennerТs work by a team under the
leadership of Morton Nance, culminating in the first full set of grammars,
dictionaries and periodicals. Standard Cornish (Unified) is again being
developed through UCR (Unified Cornish Revised), and incorporates most
features of Cornish, including allowing for Eastern and Western forms of
pronunciation and colloquial and literary forms of Cornish.
7. Who uses Cornish Today?
Today Cornish typically appeals to all age groups and to those either
who have an empathy with Cornwall, who have Cornish roots or perhaps have
moved to Cornwall from elsewhere. One of the great successes of Cornish
today is ifs wide appeal. After a break in native speakers for nearly one
hundred years, Cornwall now has many children who now have Cornish as a
native language along side English, and many more who are fluent in the
8. Government Recognition for Cornish.
Cornish is the only modern Celtic language that receives no
significant support from government, despite the growing numbers learning
Cornish, and the immense good will towards it from ordinary Cornish people
and from elsewhere.
This contrasts strongly with the favourable stand taken by the Manx
government towards Manx for example, as evidenced by Manx primary school
places being made generally available.
Recently, the UK government scrapped the Cornish GCSE. Lack of Cornish
language facilities and support is no longer just a language issue, but is
rapidly becoming a civil rights and political issue too. Despite the
growing support of councillors in Cornwall, some key individuals in County
Hall continue to make clear their hostility to the language. e.g. of the Cornish language:
УPyw yw an Gernowyon?
Pobel Geltek yw an bobel a Gernow . Yn osow hendasek, an wtas
Gorfewenna yn Wtas Dumnonii, neb a dregas yn Kernow, Dewnans ha Gwtas an
Y hyltyr bos del An Gernowyon a wrug trega yn Kernow hedro an dallath
gonys tyr adro 3000 K.C.. An dallath gonys tyr yn Kernow a vo dallath an os
Сproto Yndo-EuropekТ, dres an tavajow Keltek ha tavajow Ytaiek dallath dhe
Part III. Peculiarities of South-Western Dialects.
- There isnТt the definite article before УsameФ: ТTis sameТs I always told ТeeФ.
- The of-phrase УtheЕ ofФ is of ten used instead of the possessive pronoun (e.g. Уthe head of him Уinstead ofФ his headФ)
The plural form of a noun.
- In many cases -s (es) can be added for several times: e.g. steps [Тsteps?z] (South Som.)
- in some cases [n] is heard at the end of the word: e.g. keys [ki:n] (Wil.) cows [kain] (Dev.) bottles [botln] (South-W. Dev.) primroses [pr?mr zn] (Dev.)
- but sometimes [s] is heard in the words ended with У-nФ e.g. oxen [ ksnz] (Western Som.) rushes [r?ksnz] (Dev.)
- some nouns have the same form in the singular and in the plural: e.g. chicken - chickens [t??k] (Som.) pipe - pipes [pa?p] (Som.)
- sometimes the plural form of the noun is used insted of the singular form: a house [auzn] (Southern Wil.)
The full characteristic of Gender in South-Western English IТd like to
base on the part of the article by Paddock. Paddock uses the historical
lebel УWessexФ to describe the countries of South-Western England.
3.2.1 Gender making in Wessex-type English.
УIt is usually claimed that English nouns lost their grammatical
gender during the historical period called Middle English, roughly 1100-
1500. But this claim needs some qualification. What actually happened
during the Middle English period was that more overt gender marking of
English nouns gave way to more covert marking. As in Lyons (1968:281-8),
the term СgenderТ is used here to refer to morphosyntactic classes of
nouns. It is true that the loss of adjective concord in Middle English made
gender marking less overt; but Modern English still retains some determiner
concord which allows us to classify nouns (Christophersen and Sandved
1969). In addition, Modern English (ModE), like Old English (OE) and Middle
English (ME), possesses pronominal distinctions which enable us to classify
We can distinguish at least three distinctly different types of gender
marking along the continuum from most overt to most covert. The most overt
involves the marking of gender in the morphology of the noun itself, as in
Swahili (Lyons 1968:284-6). Near the middle of the overt-covert continuum
we could place the marking of gender in adnominals such as adjectives and
determiners. At or near the covert end of the scale we find the marking of
gender in pronominal systems.
During all three main historical stages of the English language (OE,
ME, ModE) one has been able to assign nouns to three syntactic classes
called MASCULINE, FEMININE and NEUTER. However, throughout the recorded
history of English this three-way gender marking has become less and less
overt. In OE all three types of gender marking were present. But even in OE
the intrinsic marking (by noun inflections) was often ambiguous in that it
gave more information about noun declension (ie paradigm class) than about
gender (ie concord class). The least ambiguous marking of gender in OE was
provided by the adnominals traditionally called demonstratives and definite
articles. In addition, gender СdiscordТ sometimes occurred in OE, in that
the intrinsic gender marking (if any) and the adnominal marking, on the one
hand, did not always agree with the gender of the pronominal, on the other
hand. Standard ME underwent the loss of a three-way gender distinction in
the morphology of both the nominals and the adnominals. This meant that
Standard ModE nouns were left with only the most covert type of three-way
gender marking, that of the pronominals. Hence we can assign a Standard
ModE noun to the gender class MASCULINE, FEMININE or NEUTER by depending
only on whether it selects he, she or it respectively as its proform.
During the ME and Early ModE periods the south-western (here called
Wessex-type) dialects of England diverged from Standard English in their
developments of adnominal and pronominal subsystems. In particular, the
demonstratives of Standard English lost all trace of gender marking,
whereas in south-western dialects their OE three-way distinction of
MASCULINE/FEMININE/NEUTER developed into a two-way MASS/COUNT distinction
which has survived in some Wessex-type dialects of Late ModE. The result in
Wessex was that the two-way distinction in adnominals such as
demonstratives and indefinites came into partial conflict with the three-
way distinction in pronominalsФ. (є18, p.31-32)
- Nowadays in the south-western dialects the pronouns СheТ / СsheТ are
used instead of a noun: e.g. My ooman put her bonnet there last year, and the birds laid their
eggs in him. (= it)
Wurs my shovel? I aa gotТim; himТs her. (= Where is my shovel? IТve
got it. ThatТs it.)
- In the south-western dialects objects are divided into two categories:
1) countable nouns (a tool, a tree), and the pronouns СheТ / СsheТ are used
2) uncountable nouns (water, dust), and the pronoun СitТ is used with them.
The pronoun СheТ is used towards women.
In south-western dialects the compound numerals (21-99) are pronounced
as: five and fifty, six and thirty.
In Devonshire instead of Сthe secondТ СtwothТ is used (the twenty-
twoth of April).
In all dialects of the south-west -er, -est are used in the
comparative and superative degrees with one-, two- and more syllabic
adjectives: e.g. the naturaler the seasonablest delightfuller (-est) worser - worsest (Dw.)
- The words: СginТ, СanТ, СasТ, СnorТ, СtillТ, СbyТ, СtoТ, СinТ, СonТ are used instead of СthanТ in the comparative forms: e.g. When the lad there wasnТt scarce the height of that stool, and a less size on (= than) his brotherЕ;
ThatТs better gin naething;
More brass inney (= than you) haddТn;
ItТs moor in bargain (= more than a bargain).
- The word СmanyТ is used with uncountable nouns e.g. many water / milk
- The word СfirstТ is often used in the meaning of Сthe nextТ: e.g. The first time I gang to the smiddie IТll give it to him.
Will you come Monday first or Monday eight days?
- The forms of the nominative case are often used instead of the forms of the objective case and vice versa: e.g. Oi donТt think much oТ they (= of them).
Oi went out a-walkin wiТ she (= with her).
Oi giv ut tТ he (= it) back again.
Us (= we) donТt want tТ play wiТ he (= him).
Har (= she) oonТt speak tТ thТ loikes oТ we (= us).
When us (= we) is busy, him (= he) comes and does a dayТs work for we (= us).
- The pronoun СmunТ (СminТ) is used in those cases, when in the literary language СthemТ is used: e.g. put mun in the house gie mun to me
I mind (= remember) the first time I seed mun.
- СMunТ is also used instead of СhimТ, СitТ e.g. let min alone it would sarve un right if I telled the parson of mun
- Instead of СthoseТ, СthemТ is used: e.g. I mind none of them things.
Give us them apples.
Fetch them plaates off oТ thТ pantry shelf.
- In the south-western dialects at the beginning of the sentenu the personal and impersonal pronouns are often dropped.
- УWhomФ is never used in the south-western dialects. Instead of it
СasТ / СatТ is used: e.g. ThatТs the chap as (or what) his uncle was hanged.
The manТ at his coatТs torn.
- The nominative case of the personal pronouns is also used before
СselvesТ: e.g. we selves (Somerseshire, Devonshire)
- The standard demonstrative pronoun СthisТ is used in the south- western dialects as: СthisТ, Сthis hereТ, СtheaseТ, СthisnТ,
- The standard demonstrative pronoun СthatТ is used in the south- western dialects as: СthatnТ, СthickumyТ, СthilkТ: e.g. I suppose I could have told thee thilk.
- СThoseТ is never used in the south-western dialects.
УthirТ ansФ is used instead of it.
3.5.1 Demonstrative adjectives and pronouns in a Devonshire dialect.
IТd like to give not only the grammatical description of adjectives
and pronouns in the south-western part of England, but the pronunciation of
demonstrative adjectives and pronouns found in the dialect of south zeal, a
village on the northern edge of Dartmoor. Martin Harris made his research
work in this field:
УThe analysis is based on a corpus of some twenty hours of tape-
recorded conversation, collected in the course of work for a Ph.D. thesis,
either in the form of a dialogue between two informants or of a monologue
on the part of a single informant. The principal informant, Mr George
Cooper, has lived for some eighty-five years in the parish, and has only
spent one night in his life outside the county of Devon.
For the purposes of this chapter, only one phonological point needs to
be made. The /r/ phoneme is retroflex in final position, and induces a
preceding weak central vowel [?] when occurring in the environment /Vr/,
(thus [V?r]), when the /V/ in question is /i:/ or /?/. (These are the only
two vowels relevant within this work.). The transcription used for the
actual forms should not give rise to any further problems. In the case of
the illustrative examples, 1 have decided to use a quasi-orthographical
representation, since the actual phonetic/phonemic realization is not
directly relevant to the point under discussion. The prominent syllable(s)
in each example are illustrated thus: У.
The paradigm as outlined in Tables 1, 2 presents few morphological
problems. The two pairs of forms /рi:z/ and /рis/ and /рejz/ and /рi:z/ do,
however, need examination. In the singular of the adjective, the two forms
/рi:z/ and /рis/ are both frequent, being used mostly in unstressed and
stressed position respectively. However, some 30 per cent of the
occurrences of each form do not follow this tendency, so it does not seem
profitable to set up a stressed: unstressed opposition, particularly since
such a division would serve no purpose in the case of /рat/ and /рi-ki:/.
With the Сfirst compoundsТ, the form /рi:z ji:r/ outnumbers /рis ji:r/ in
the ratio 1 in the adjective position.
When functioning as a pronoun, /рi:z/ is rare as a simple form and
never occurs at all either within a first compound (although Сfirst
compoundsТ are so rare as pronouns that no generalization can usefully be
made, see Table 2) or within a Сsecond compoundТ, where only /рis ji:r
ji:r/, never /рi:z ji:r ji:r/, is found. Thus /рis/ seems to be more
favoured as a pronoun, and /рi:z/ as an adjective; this, of course, is only
In the plural, the position is more clear-cut. The normal adjective
plurals are /рejz/ and /рejz ji:r/, which outnumber /рi:z/ and /рi:z ji:r/
by a large margin (see Table 2). Such cases of the latter as do occur may
perhaps be ascribed to Standard English influence, since /рi:z/ is clearly
used normally as a singular rather than a plural form. The absence of any
reflex of /рejz/ as a plural pronoun is discussed below.
The other forms present little morphological difficulty. There is only
one occurrence of /рi-ki:/ as a pronoun, although as an adjective it almost
outnumbers /рi:z/ and /рat/ together, so it seems to belong primarily to
the adjectival system. The normal singular pronouns are either the simple
forms or the Сsecond compoundsТ, the Сfirst compoundsТ being most unusual.
In the plural of the adjective, the simple forms are much more
frequent than their equivalent Сfirst compoundsТ, whereas in the plural of
the pronoun, there is apparently only the one form /рej/. The status of
this form is discussed below.
The following are examples of those demonstatives which are not
further discussed below. The uses of /рat/ as a singular adjective, of /рi-
ki:/ as a singular or plural adjective, and of all the pronouns are fully
exemplified in the syntactic section, and thus no examples are given here.
I come down Уhere to live in this little old Уstreet.
Well; Уthis year, I done a bit Уlighter.
Now Уthis season, tis Уover.
This was coming Уthis way.
ThereТs all this here sort of Уjobs going on to Уday.
I was down Уthere where this here Уplough was up Уhere.
These places be alright if you know where youТm Уgoing to.
They got to pay the Уwages to these people.
I do a bit of Уgardening . . . and likes of all these things.
What makes all they Уhills look so well?
Where УJim was sent to, they two Уmet.
УThey wonТt have all they sort of people up there.
Tell УCooper to Уshift Уthey Уstones Уthere.
We may now turn to the functions of those forms whose uses are
identifiably different from those of Standard English.
The most striking feature of the demonstrative system is that, in the
singular adjective system at least, there is apparently a three-term
opposition /рi:z : рat : рi-ki:/, in contrast with the two-term system of
Standard English. It seems fair to say that the role of /рi:z/ is similar
to that of 'this' in Standard English (but see note on /рi:z ji:r/ below),
but any attempt to differentiate /рat/ and /рi-ki:/ proves extremely
difficult. There are a number of sentences of the type:
If you was to put Уthat stick in across Уthicky pony . . .
where the two forms seem to fill the same function. The virtual absence of
/рi-ki:/ from the pronoun system, together with the fact that /рi-ki:/ is
three times as frequent as /рat/ as an adjective, would suggest that /рi-
ki:/ is the normal adjectival form in the dialect, and that /рat/ has a
greater range, having a function which is basically pronominal but in
addition adjectival at times. This is further supported by the fact that
when presented with sentences of the type:
He turned that Уhare Уthree Уtimes and Уhe caught it.
the informant claimed that /рi-ki:/ would be equally acceptable and could
indicate no distinction. Thus there are pairs of sentences such as
I used to walk that there Уtwo mile and Уhalf.
You'd walk thicky Уnine Уmile. or again
That finished Уthat job.
I wouldnТt have Уthicky job.
There are certain cases where either one form or the other seems to be
required. In particular, /рat/ is used when actually indicating a size with
Go up and see the stones Уthat length, Уthat thickness.
while /рi-ki:/ is used in contrast with /t?-рr/, where Standard English
would normally use СoneТ or Сthe oneТ.
Soon as they got it Уthicky hand, theyТd thruck(?) it away with the
In the adjective plural, the contrast between /рi-ki:/ and /рej/ is
not a real one, since /рi-ki:/ is found only with numerals.
I had thicky Уeighteen Уbob a Уweek.
I expect thicky Уnine was all Уone УmanТs sheep.
When presented with /рi-ki:/ before plural nominals, the informant
rejected them. It would therefore be preferable to redefine СsingularТ and
СpluralТ in the dialect to account for this, rather than to consider /рi-
ki:/ as a plural form; this would accordingly neutralize in the plural any
/рi-ki:/:/рat/ opposition which may exist in the singular.
In the pronominal system, there is only one occurrence of /рi-ki:/:
My missis bought Уthicky before her Уdied (a radio).
It is true that most of the occurrences of /рal/ as a pronoun do not
refer to a specific antecedent, e.g. I canТt afford to do Уthat, but there
are a number of cases where /рat/ does play a role closely parallel to /рi-
As УI was passing Уthat, and Уthat was passing Уme (a dog).
As there are no other examples of /рi-ki:/ as a singular pronoun,
either simply or as part of a СfirstТ or Сsecond compoundТ, and no cases at
all in the plural, it seems fair to say that any /рat/:/рi-ki:/ opposition
is realized only in the singular adjective, and that here too it is
difficult to see what the basis of any opposition might be. A list of
representative examples of /рat/, /рat р?r/, /рi-ki:/ and /рi-ki: р?r/ is
given below, in their function as singular adjectives, so that they can
easily be compared.
All they got to Уdo is steer that little Уwheel a bit.
YouТd put in Уdynamite to blast that stone Уoff.
UsТd go Уin that pub and have a pint of Уbeer.
I used to walk that there Уtwo mile and Уhalf.
Good as Уgold, that there Уthing was.
All of us be in Уthicky boat, you see.
СThicky УdogТ, he said, Сbeen there all Уday?Т
Stairs went up Уthere, like, Уthicky side, Уthicky end of the wall.
Thicky place would be Уblack with people . . .
I travelled thicky old road Уfour У year . . .
WhatТs Уthicky Уlittle Уplace called, before you get up УYelverton?
Thicky field, theyТd Уbreak it, they called it.
He was going to put me and Jan Уup thicky night.
УNever been through thicky road У since.
Jim Connell carted home thicky there jar of Уcyder same as he carted
We got in thicky there Уfield . . .
The morphological status of /рi:z/ and /рis/ as singulars, and of
/рejz/ and /рi:z/ as plurals has already been discussed. Syntactically,
their use seems to correspond to Standard English closely, except in one
important respect: the Сfirst compoundТ forms are used in a way similar to
a non-standard usage which is fairly widespread, in the sense of СaТ or Сa
HeТd got this here Уdog.
YouТd put this here great Уcrust on top.
The Сfirst compoundТ is never used as an equivalent to Standard
English СthisТ, being reserved for uses of the type above, although there
is another form /рi:z . . . ji:r/, which is occasionally used where
Standard English would show СthisТ, eg Between here and this village Уhere
In the plural, an exactly parallel syntactic division occurs between
/рejz/ (cf Standard English СtheseТ) and /рejz ji:r/.
These here Уmaidens that was here . . .
I used to put them in front of these here Уsheds.
They got these here Уhay-turners . . .
In all the above examples, the Сfirst compoundsТ, both singular and
plural, refer to items which have not been mentioned before, and which are
not adjacent to the speaker; they are thus referentially distinct from the
normal use of Standard English СthisТ.
Although we can fairly say that /рi:z/ and /рejz/ are syntactically
distinct from their equivalent first compounds, what of the other adjective
compounds /рat р?r/, /рi-ki: р?r/ and /рej р?r/? There seems to be no
syntactic division in these cases between them and their equivalent simple
forms, so it is perhaps not surprising that Table 2 shows them to be
without exception much less common than /рi:z ji:r/ and /рejz ji:r/, which
have a distinct syntactic role. Forms such as
Us got in thicky there Уfield and
Good as Уgold, that there Уthing was. do not seem any different from
Us Уmowed thicky little plat . . . and
He turned that Уhare Уthree Уtimes . . .
There is certainly no apparent correlation with any notional degree of
In the case of the singular pronouns, the Сfirst compoundsТ are
extremely rare, cf.
He done Уwell with that there. (/рat р?r/)
He went out Уbroad, this here whatТs Уdead now. (/рi:z ji:r/).
The basic opposition here is between the simple forms and the Сsecond
compoundsТ /рis ji:r ji:r/ and /рat р?r р?r/. Here the syntactic division
is fairly clear: the second compounds are used in certain adverbial
phrases, particularly after СlikeТ, where the demonstrative refers to no
Tis getting like this here Уhere.
IТve had to walk home Уafter that there there.
and also, with reference to a specific antecedent, when particular emphasis
is drawn to the item in question.
IТve had the Уwireless there, this here Уhere, for Уgood many years.
One of these here Уcrocks, something like that there Уthere.
In all other cases, the simple forms are used.
УThis was coming Уthis way.
Then he did meet with Уthis.
ThatТs Уone Уbad Уjob, Уthat was.
/рat/ is used particularly frequently in two phrases, Сlikes of that
and Сand thatТ.
He doed a bit of Уfarmering and likes of Уthat.
I got a Уjumper and that home Уnow.
The last question is one of the most interesting. Is there really only
one form /рej/ functioning as a plural pronoun? At first sight, this would
seem improbable, given that there is a plural adjective form /рejz/ and
that the 'this':'that' opposition is maintained elsewhere in the system.
However, all attempts to elicit such a form failed, and there is at least
one spontaneous utterance where, if a form /рejz/ did exist as a pronoun,
it might be expected to appear:
ThereТs Уthousands of acres out there would grow it better than they
in Уhere grow it.
Taking all these factors together, we tentatively suggest that the
opposition СthisТ:ТthatТ is neutralized in this position, even though this
seems rather unlikely, given the adjectival system.
But there is another point. It is in fact difficult to identify
occurrences of /рej/ as demonstratives with any certainty, because the form
is identical with that of the personal pronoun /рej/ (Standard English
СtheyТ or СthemТ).
We may observe at this point that in the dialect, the third plural
personal pronoun forms are /рej/ and /?m/. The first form is used in all
stressed positions and as unstressed subject except in inverted Q-forms;
the second is used as the unstressed non-subject, and as the unstressed
subject in inverted Q-forms. Thus we find:
УI had to show the pony but Уthey winned the cups.
I could chuck Уthey about.
ThatТs up to Уthey, they know what theyТm aФbout of.
TheyТd take Сem back of your Уdoor for half-a-crown.
They expect to have a Уname to the house, УdonТt Сem?
Where do Сem get the Уtools to?
That was as far as Уever they paid Сem.
I stayed there Уlong with Сem for more than a Уyear.
When considering /рej/, we find a series of utterances such as the
following in which a division between personal and demonstrative pronouns
would be largely arbitrary.
I could Уthrow Сem. chuck Уthey about.
УThey in Уtowns, they go to concerts,
Us finished up with Уthey in ...
They do seven acres a Уday, now, with Уthey.
There is Уthey that take an Уinterest in it.
I could cut in so straight (as) some of Уthey that Уnever do it.
Although, following the system of Standard English, we have so far
differentiated between /рej/ as a stressed personal pronoun and /рej/ as a
demonstrative pronoun, it is clearly more economical, in terms of the
dialectal material, to consider the two functions as coalescing within one
system: STRESSED /рej/; UNSTRESSED /?m/. This system would operate in all
positions where Standard English would show either a third person plural
personal pronoun, or a plural demonstrative pronoun. Similarly, there is a
dialectal system STRESSED /рat/ UNSTRESSED /it/ in the third person
singular, where the referent is abstract or non-specific, in that /рat/
never occurs unstressed nor /it/ stressed. Thus in contrast to the last
example above, we find:
I seed some of Сem that never walked a Уmile in their Уlives,
where the form /?m/ is unstressed. (Such unstressed examples are much rarer
than stressed examples in positions where Standard English would show a
demonstrative pronoun simply because СthoseТ is normally stressed in
We should note finally, however, that this analysis of the material
does not in any way explain the absence of a plural pronoun /рejz/, any
more than the linking of /рat/ with /it/ precludes the existence of a
singular demonstrative pronoun /рi:z/. The non-existence of /рejz/ as a
pronoun seems best considered as an accidental gap in the corpus.Ф (є18,
- In the south-western dialects in the singular and in the plural in
Present Indefinite the ending С-sТ or С-esТ is used, if the Subject is expressed as
a noun. e.g. Boys as wants more mun ask.
The other ehaps works hard.
- In Devonshire С-thТ [р] is added to verbs in the plural in Present
- The form СamТ (Тm) of the verb Сto beТ is used after the personal pronouns: e.g. We (wem = we are) (Somersetshire) you, they
- After the words СifТ, СwhenТ, СuntilТ, СafterТ Future Indefinite sometimes used.
- The Perfect form in affirmative sentences, in which the Subject is expressed as a personal pronoun, is usually built without the auxiliary verb СhaveТ: e.g. We done it.
I seen him.
They been and taken it.
- The negation in the south-western dialects is expressed with the adding of the negative particle СnotТ in the form С-naТ to the verb. e.g. comesna (comes not) winna (= will not) sanna (= shall not) canna (= cannot) maunna (= must not) sudna (= should not) dinna (= do not) binna (= be not) haena (= have not) daurna (= dare not)
- It is typical to the south-western dialects to use too many nigotiations in the same phrase: e.g. I yinТt seen nobody nowheres.
I donТt want to have nothing at all to say to you.
I didnТt mean no harm.
YeТll better jist nae detain me nae langer.
- The negative and interrogative forms of the modal verbs are built with the help of the auxiliary verb СdoТ. e.g. He did not ought to do it.
You do not ought to hear it.
- Some verbs which are regular in the Standard language become irregular in the south-western dialects: e.g. dive - dave, help - holp
- Sometimes the ending С-edТ is added to some irregular verbs in the
Past Simple: e.g. bear - borned, begin - begunned, break - broked, climb - clombed,
- But some irregular verbs in the Past Simple Tense are used as regular: e.g. begin - beginned (Western Som., Dev.) bite - bited (W. Som.) blow - blowed (Dev.) drink - drinked (W. Som.) drive - drived (Dev.) fall - falled (W. Som., Dev.) fight - fighted (W. Som.) fall - falled (Som., Dev.) go - gade (Dev.) grow - growed (W. Som.) hang - hanged (W. Som.) lose - losed (W. Som., Dev.) ring - ringed (W. Som.) speak - speaked (Som.) spring - springed (W. Som., Dev.)
- Many verbs form the Past Participle with the help of the ending С-nТ. e.g. call - callen catch - catchen come - comen
- In some cases in the Past Participle a vowel in the root is changed, and the suffix is not added. e.g. catch - [k t?] hit - [a:t] lead - [la:d]
- In the south-western dialects intransitive verbs have the ending С- yТ [?].
- In Western Somersetshire before the infinitive in the function of the adverbial modifier of purpose СforТ is used: e.g. Hast gotten a bit for mend it with? (= Have you got anything to mend it with?)
- In the south-western dialects an adjective is used instead of the adverb. e.g. You might easy fall.
- To build the comparative degree СfarТ is used instead of СfurtherТ;
СlasterТ instead of Сmore latelyТ.
- The suparative degree: СfarestТ; СlastestТ; СlikerestТ; СrathestТ. a) The adverbs of place: abeigh [?b?x] - Сat some distanceТ abune, aboon - СaboveТ ablow - СunderТ ben, benn - СinsideТ outbye [utba?] - СoutsideТ aboot - СaroundТ hine, hine awa - СfarТ ewest - СnearТ
b) The adverbs of the mode of action: hoo, foo - СhowТ weel - СgreatТ richt - СrightТ ither - СyetТ sae - СsoТ
c) The adverbs of degree: much e.g. How are you today? - Not much, thank you.
СmuchТ is also used in the meaning of СwonderfullyТ e.g. It is much you boys canТt let alone they there ducks.
It was much he hadnТt a been a killed. rising
СrisingТ is often used in the meaning of СnearlyТ e.g. How old is the boy? - HeТs rising five.
- СfellТ, СuncoТ, СgeyТ, СhugeТ, СfuТ, СraelТ are used in the meaning of
- ower, owre [aur] - СtooТ
- maist - СnearlyТ
- clean - Сat allТ
- that - СsoТ
- feckly - Сin many casesТ
- freely - СfullyТ
- naarhan, nighhan - СnearlyТ
- han, fair - Сat allТ
d) Adverbs of time: whan, fan - СwhenТ belive, belyve - СnowТ yinst - Сat onceТ neist - СthenТ fernyear - Сlast yearТ afore (= before) e.g. Us can wait avore you be ready, sir. next - Сin some timeТ e.g. next day = the day after tomorrow while = till, if e.g. YouТll never make any progress while you listen to me.
You have to wait while Saturday.
3.8 Transitivity and intransivity in the dialects of South-West
One of the most important aspects of studying south-western English is
dialect syntax. So, the article by Jean-Marc Gachelin can give us much
information about transitivity and intransitivity in the dialects of South-
УWakelin has pointed out that Сsyntax is an unwieldy subject which
dialectologists have fought shy ofТ. This brushing aside of dialect syntax
is regrettable because the study of grammatical variation can shed light on
the workings of any language, and thereby enrich general linguistics. The
present chapter deals with an area of dialect syntax - transitivity in
south-west of England dialects - and attempts to characterize and explain,
synchronically and diachronically, its salient features.
We prefer the moderation of Kilby, who simply admits that the notion
of direct object (DO) Сis not at all transparent in its usageТ. The
problem, therefore, should be not so much to discard but rather to improve
our notions of transitivity and intransitivity. In this regard, the
dialects of South-west England are important and interesting.
1. A description of transitivity and intransitivity in the dialects of
When compared with the corresponding standard language, any
geographical variety may be characterized by three possibilities:
(a) identity; (b) archaism (due to slower evolution); and (c)
innovation. Interestingly enough, it is not uncommon in syntax for (b) and
(c) to combine if a given dialect draws extensively on a secondary aspect
of an older usage. This is true of two features which are highly
characteristic of the South-west and completely absent in contemporary
1.1 Infinitive + y
One of these characteristics is mentioned by Wakelin, the optional
addition of the -y ending to the infinitive of any real intransitive verb
or any transitive verb not followed by a DO, namely object-deleting verbs
(ODVs) and ergatives. The use of this ending is not highlighted in the
Survey of English Dialects (SED, Orton and Wakelin). It is only indirectly,
when reading about relative pronouns, that we come upon There iddn (=
isnТt) many (who) can sheary now, recorded in Devon (Orton and Wakelin).
However, Widen gives the following examples heard in Dorset: farmy,
flickery, hoopy (Сto callТ), hidy, milky, panky (Сto pantТ), rooty (talking
of a pig), whiny. Three of these verbs are strictly intransitive (ftickery,
panky, whiny), the others being ODVs. Wright also mentions this
characteristic, chiefly in connection with Devon, Somerset and Dorset.
In the last century, Barnes made use of the -y ending in his Dorset
poems, both when the infinitive appears after to: reдky = СrakeТ skimmy drashy = СthreshТ reely
and after a modal (as in the example from the SED):
Mid (= may) happy housen smoky round/The church.
The cat veil zick anТ woulden mousy.
But infin.+y can also be found after do (auxiliary), which in South-
west dialects is more than a more Сsignal of verbalityТ, serving as a tense-
marker as well as a person-marker (do everywhere except for dost, 2nd pers.
sing.). Instead of being emphatic, this do can express the progressive
aspect or more often the durative-habitual (= imperfective) aspect, exactly
like the imperfect of Romance languages. Here are a few examples culled
from BarnesТs poems:
Our merry sheдpes did jumpy.
When I do pitchy, Сtis my pride (meaning of the verb, cf pitch-fork).
How ga€ the paths be where we do strolly.
Besides ODVs and intransitive verbs, there is also an ergative: doors did slammy.
In the imperative, infin. -y only appears with a negative: donТt sobby!
The optional use of the -y ending is an advantage in dialect poetry
for metre or rhyme:
Vor thine wull peck, anТ mine wull grubby (rhyming with snubby)
And this ending probably accounts for a phonetic peculiarity of South-west
dialects, namely the apocope of to arguy (the former dialect pronunciation
of to argue), to carry and to empty, reduced to to arg, to car and to empt.
In the grammatical part of his Glossary of the Dorset Dialect, Barnes
insists on the aspectual connection between do and infin.+y:
УBelonging to this use of the free infinitive y-ended verbs, is
another kindred one, the showing of a repetition or habit of doing as СHow
the dog do jumpyТ, i-e keep jumping. СThe child do like to whippyТ, amuse
himself with whipping. СIdle chap, heТll do nothen but vishy, (spend his
time in fishing), if you do leвve en alwoneТ. СHe do marketyТ, he usually
Barnes also quotes a work by Jennings in which this South-west feature
was also described:
УAnother peculiarity is that of attaching to many of the common verbs
in the infinitive mode as well as to some other parts of different
conjugations, the letter -y. Thus it is very common to say СI canТt sewyТ,
I canТt nursyТ, Сhe canТt reapyТ, Сhe canТt sawyТ, as well as Сto sewy, to
nursy, to reapy, to sawyТ, etc; but never, I think, without an auxiliary
verb, or the sign of the infinitive to.Ф
Barnes claimed, too, that the collocation of infin. +y and the DO was
unthinkable: СWe may say, УCan ye zewy?Ф but never УWull ye zewy up theдse
zкam?Ф УWull ye zew up theдse zкamФ would be good Dorset.Ф
Elworthy also mentions the opposition heard in Somerset between I do
dig the garden and Every day, I do diggy for three hours (quoted by
Jespersen and by Rogers). Concerning the so-called Сfree infinitiveТ,
Wiltshire-born Rogers comments that Сit is little heard now, but was common
in the last centuryТ, which tallies with the lack of examples in the SED.
(This point is also confirmed by Itialainen) Rogers is quite surprised to
read of a science-fiction play (BBC, 15 March 1978) entitled СStargazy in
ZummerlandТ, describing a future world in which the population was divided
between industrial and agricultural workers, the latter probably using some
form of south-western speech, following a time-honoured stage tradition
already perceptible in King Lear (disguised as a rustic, Edgar speaks broad
To sum up, after to, do (auxiliary), or a modal, the formula of the
Сfree infinitiveТ is intr. V > infin. + -y/0
where Сintr.Т implies genuine intransitives, ODVs and even ergatives. As a
dialect-marker, -y is now on the wane, being gradually replaced by 0 due to
contact with Standard English.
1.2 Of + DO
The other typical feature of south-western dialects is not mentioned
by Wakelin, although it stands out much more clearly in the SED data. This
is the optional use of oТ/ov (occasionally on) between a transitive verb
and its DO. Here are some of the many examples. Stripping the feathers off
a dead chicken (Orton and Wakelin) is called: pickin/pluckin ov it (Brk-loc. 3); trippin oТ en (= it) (D-loc. 6); pickin oТ en (Do-loc. 3); pluckin(g) on en - (W-loc. 9; Sx-loc. 2).
Catching fish, especially trout, with oneТs hand (Orton and Wakelin)
is called: ticklin oТ/ov em (= them) (So-loc. 13; W-loc. 2, 8; D-loc. 2, 7, 8; Do-
loc. 2-5; Ha-loc. 4); gropin oТ/ov em (D-loc. 4, 6); ticklin on em (W-loc. 3, 4; Ha-loc. 6; Sx-loc. 3); tickle oТ em (Do-loc. l) (note the absence of -in(g)).
The confusion between of and on is frequent in dialects, but although
on may occur where of is expected, the reverse is impossible. The
occasional use of on instead of of is therefore unimportant. What really
matters is the occurrence of of, oТ or ov between a transitive verb and the
DO. The presence of the -in(g) ending should also attract our attention: it
occurs in all the examples except tickle oТ em, which is exceptional since,
when the SED informants used an infinitive in their answers, their syntax
was usually identical with that of Standard English, ie without of
occurring before the DO: glad to see you, (he wants to) hide it (Orton and
Following Jespersen, Lyons makes a distinction between real
transitives (/ hit you: action > goal) and verbs which are only
syntactically transitives (/ hear you: goal
The use of of as an operator between a transitive verb and its DO was
strangely enough never described by Barnes, and is casually dismissed as an
Сotiose ofТ by the authors of the SED, even though nothing can really be
СotioseТ in any language system. Rogers points out that СMuch more widely
found formerly, it is now confined to sentences where the pronouns en, it
and em are the objects.Т This is obvious in the SED materials, as,
incidentally, it is in these lines by Barnes:
To work all day a-meдken ha€/Or pitchen oТt.
Nevertheless, even if his usage is in conformity with present syntax,
it is important to add that, when Barnes was alive, o/ov could precede any
DO (a-meдken ov ha€ would equally have been possible). What should also be
noted in his poetry is the extremely rare occurrence of oТ/ov after a
transitive verb with no -en (= -ing) ending, which, as we just saw, is
still very rare in modern speech:
Zoo I donТt mind oТ leдven it to-morrow.
Zoo I donТt mind oТ leдven oТt to-morrow.
The second line shows a twofold occurrence of oТ after two transitive
verbs, one with and one without -en.
This -en ending can be a marker of a verbal noun, a gerund or a
present participle (as part of a progressive aspect form or on its own),
and oТ may follow in each case.
My own a-decken ov my own (Сmy own way of dressing my darlingТ).
This is the same usage as in Standard English he doesnТt like my
driving of his car.
That wer vor hetten oТn (Сthat was for hitting himТ).
. . . little chance/OТ catchen oТn.
I be never the better vor zee-en oТ you.
The addition of oТ to a gerund is optional: Vor grinden any corn vor
bread is similar to Standard English.
As I wer readen ov a stwone (about a headstone).
Rogers gives two examples of the progressive aspect:
I be stackinТ on Сem up.
I were a-peeling of the potatoes (with a different spelling).
PRESENT PARTICIPLE ON ITS OWN
To vind me stannen in the cwold, / A-keepen up oТ ChrisТmas.
After any present participle, the use of oТ is also optional:
Where voТk be out a-meдken ha€.
The general formula is thus: trans. V > V + oТ/0
which can also be read as
MV (main verb) > trans. V + oТ/0 + DO.
Here, oТ stands for oТ (the most common form), ov and even on. In modem
usage, the DO, which could be a noun or noun phrase in BarnesТs day and
age, appears from the SED materials to be restricted to personal pronouns.
For modern dialects, the formula thus reads:
MV > trans. V + oТ/0 + pers. pron.
The oТ is here a transitivity operator which, exactly like an
accusative ending in a language with case declensions, disappears in the
passive. Consequently, the phenomenon under discussion here has to be
distinguished from that of prepositional verbs, which require the retention
of the preposition in the passive:
We have thought of all the possible snags. >
All the possible snags have been thought of.
The use of oТ as a transitivity operator in active declaratives is also
optional, which represents another basic difference from prepositional
Exactly the same opposition, interestingly enough, applies in south-
western dialects also:
 He is (a-) eдten oТ ceдkes > What is he (a-) eдten?
 He is (a-) dreдmen oТceдkes > What is he (a-) dreдmen ov?
What remains a preposition in  and  works as the link between a
transitive verb and its DO. The compulsory deletion of the operator oТ in
questions relating to the DO demonstrates the importance here of the word
order (V + oТ + DO), as does also the similar triggering of deletion by
Though now used in a more restricted way, ie before personal pronouns
only, this syntactic feature is better preserved in the modern dialects
-y ending of intransitive verbs, but, in so far as it is only optional, it
is easy to detect the growing influence of Standard English.
2. Diachrony as an explanation of these features.
Although the above description has not been purely synchronic, since
it cites differences in usage between the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, it is actually only by looking back at even earlier stages of
the language that we can gain any clear insights into why the dialects have
developed in this way.
Both Widen and Wakelin remind us that the originally strictly
morphological -y ending has since developed into a syntactic feature. It is
a survival of the Middle English infinitive ending -ie(n), traceable to the
-ian suffix of the second class of Old English weak verbs (OE milcian > ME
milkie(n) > south-west dial. milky). Subsequently, -y has been analogically
extended to other types of verbs in south-west dialects under certain
syntactic conditions: in the absence of any DO, through sheer impossibility
(intransitive verb) or due to the speakerТs choice (ODV or ergative). The
only survival of medieval usage is the impossibility of a verb form like
milky being anything other than an infinitive. Note that this cannot be
labelled an archaism, since the standard language has never demonstrated
this particular syntactic specialization.
So far no explanation seems to have been advanced for the origin of
Сotiose ofТ, and yet it is fairly easy to resort to diachrony in order to
explain this syntactic feature. Let us start, however, with contemporary
 They sat, singing a shanty. (present participle on its own)
 They are singing a shanty. (progressive aspect)
 I like them/their singing a shanty. (gerund)
 I like their singing of a shanty. (verbal noun)
Here  and  are considered nominalizations from a synchronic point of
view. As far as  is concerned, Barnes reminds his readers that the OE
nominalization ic waes on hunlunge (СI was in the process of huntingТ, cf
AelfricТs Colloquim: fui in. venatione) is the source of modern / was
hunting, via an older structure I was (a-) hunting which is preserved in
many dialects, the optional verbal prefix a- being what remains of the
The nominal nature of V-ing is still well established in the verbal
noun (with the use of of in particular), and it is here that the starting-
point of a chain reaction lies. Hybrid structures (verbal nouns/gerunds)
appeared as early as Middle English, as in bi puttyng forth of whom so it were (1386 Petition of Mercers)
and similar gerunds followed by of were still a possibility in Elizabethan
Rend not my heart for naming of my Christ (Marlowe, Doctor Faustus)
together with verbal nouns not followed by any of:
... as the putting him clean out of his humour (B. Jonson, Every Man
out of his Humour).
Having been extended from the verbal noun to the gerund, of also
eventually spread to the progressive aspect in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, at a time when the V-ing + of sequence became very
widespread in Standard English:
Are you crossing of yourself? (Marlowe, Doctor Faustus).
He is hearing of a cause (Shakespeare, Measure for Measure).
She is taking of her last farewell (Bunyan, The PilgimТs Progress).
However, what is definitely an archaism in Standard English has been
preserved in south-western dialects, which have gone even further and also
added an optional oТ to the present participle used on its own (ie other
than in the progressive aspect). Moreover, there is even a tendency, as we
have seen, to use oТ after a transitive verb without the -en (= -ing)
ending. This tendency, which remains slight, represents the ultimate point
of a chain reaction that can be portrayed as follows:
Use of oТ in the environment following:
(A) (B) (C)
(D) verbal noun > gerund > be + V-ing > pres. part. > V
(A) evolution from Middle English to the Renaissance;
(B) evolution typical of English in the sixteenth and seventeenth
(C) evolution typical of south-western dialects;
(D) marginal tendency in south-western dialects.
The dialect usage is more than a mere syntactic archaism: not only
have the south-western dialects preserved stages (A) and (B); they are also
highly innovative in stages (C) and (D).Ф (є18, p.218)
Abroad - adj растер€нный, незнающий, как поступить; попавший впросак,
совершивший ошибку; разваренный, расплавленный (о пище): The potatoes are
abroad. The sugar is gone abroad.
Aller (Dev) - n нарыв, карбункул; т€желый ожог: Suke died acause her
aller wanted letting.
Answer (Som) - v выносить, переносить (те или иные услови€,
определенные событи€); выжить: That there poplar Тont never answer out of
doors, tТll be a ratted in no time; ~ to: реагировать на что-либо,
поддаватьс€ воздействию чего-либо: Clay land easily answers to bones.
Any (повсеместно) - adj, adv, pron: any bit like - хороший, сносный,
приличный (о здоровье, погоде, поведении): IТll come and see thee tomorrow
if itТs only any-bit-like; any more than - только; если бы: HeТs sure to
come any more than he might be a bit late. I should be sure to go to school
any more than IТve not got a gownd to my back.
Attle (Cor) - n мусор, отбросы
Bach, Batch, Bage (Som) - n река, ручей; долина, через которую
протекает ручей; овраг; насыпь или холм, наход€щиес€ вблизи реки
Bad (Wil) - n внешн€€ земна€ оболочка ореха
Badge (Wil) - v заниматьс€ перепродажей зерна, овощей и фруктов
Balch (Dev, Cor) - n небольша€ веревка, кушак
Bam (Cor) - n шутка, проделка, номер: ItТs nowt but a bam.
(Wil, Som) - n порт€нка, груба€ матери€, оборачиваема€ вокруг
Ban (Som) - v проклинать; ругатьс€
Bannock (Wil, Som, Dev) - n блин / лепешка из овс€нной или €чменной
Barge (Dev) - n боров; v ругать, оскорбл€ть
Barney (Som) - n ссора, перебранка; чепуха; ошибка; плохо выполненна€
Barton (Wil, Dev, Som, Cor) - n кресть€нский двор; подсобные помещени€
в задней части кресть€нского двора; кресть€нский дом
Barvel (Cor) - n короткий кожаный передник, надеваемый при мытье
полов; кожаный передник рыбаков
Bate (Som, Dev) - n плохое настроение, раздраженное состо€ние; v
Beagle, Bogle (Dev) - n пугало; привидение; гротескно одетый человек,
Beet, Boot (Cor) - v чинить, ремонтировать, помогать; удовлетвор€ть
Besgan, Biscan, Vescan (Cor) - n кожаный напальчник; матерчата€
Big (Som, Cor) - adj дружественный, близкий: Smith and Brown are very
big; v строить; v (с up) утверждать, поддержать (в мнении); быть преданным,
верным (человеку или идее)
Bogzom (Dev) - adj €рко-красный; рум€ный: Ya ha made ma chucks bugzom.
Bribe (Wil) - v приставать, издеватьс€; ругать, Ђпилитьї: She terrible
Brindled (Som) - ppl adj пестрый, полосатый
Bruick-boil (Dev) - v в€нуть; становитьс€ сухой (о погоде)
Bunt (Som, Dev, Cor) - n сито; v просеивать муку
(Wil) - n в€занка хвороста
Buss, boss (Wil, Dev, Cor) - n теленок
But (Som) - n пики (в картах)
(Cor) - v вывихнуть (сустав): IТve butted my thumb.
Cab (Som, Dev, Cor) - n липка€ масса, что-либо гр€зное, мокрое или
липкое (adj cabby); v воровать
Cad (Som) - n самые мелкие и молодые особи (порос€т, тел€т и др.); pl
мелкий картофель; падаль, гнилое м€со
Call (Som) - v думать, считать
Cam (Cor) - n глинистый сланец; adj изогнутый; упр€мый
Cheap (Som) - adj фразеол. be cheap on - вполне заслуживающий чего-
Chill (Dev, Som) - v немного подогреть (жидкость); chilled water -
Chilver (Wil, Som) - n €гненок
Chissom (Wil, Som, Dev) - n отросток, побег (растени€); v давать
Chuck (Som, Dev) - n нижн€€ часть лица, ше€, глотка
Clib (Dev, Cor) - v прилипать; увлажн€ть, смачивать
Clivan, Clevant, Callyvan, Vant (Som) - n ловушка дл€ птиц: You be
like a wren in a clivan.
Clock (Som) - n жук
Coath (Som, Dev) - n болезнь печени у овец; v падать в обморок
Cob (Cor) - n плохо исполненна€ работа
Cold (Som, Dev, Wil, Cor) - to catch cold - попасть в беду; to cast
the cold of a thing - избавитьс€ от последствий какого-либо зла или
несчасть€; cold cheer - нужда; cold hand - хороший образец культуры пшеницы
или €чмен€; cold lady - пудинг из муки и жира
Colley (Wil) - n сажа, гр€зь; свежее м€со
Colt (Wil) - n оползень; v оползать (о почве)
Cooch (Coochy) (Dev, Cor) - n левша; adj неуклюжий
Cook (Som) - v убить; притаитьс€, спр€татьс€
Coose (Dev, Cor) - v сплетничать; слон€тьс€
Cotton (Som, Dev) - v бить, пороть
Cowerd (Wil, Som) - adj парной (о молоке)
Crib (Dev, Cor) - n еда; v воровать
Crowd (Som, Dev, Cor) - n скрипка
Dain (Wil) - adj имеющий плохой запах
Dare (Wil, Som, Dev) - v отпр€нуть в ужасе, бо€тьс€; пр€татьс€; пугать
Dawk (Wil, Som) - n дыра; v протыкать; моросить (о дожде); adj
беспомощный; v небрежно и неопр€тно одеватьс€
Denshire (Wil, Dev) - v срезать дерн и сжигать его после просушки
Dey (Wil) - n женщина, зан€та€ в молочном хоз€йстве
Dool (Dev) - n пограничный столбик (на поле); ворота (в игре); гвоздь,
шип дл€ скреплени€ половых досок; большой кусок; v удар€ть (плоской
поверхностью); (с off) отмечать, устанавливать границу, межу
Downy (Som) - adj хитрый, ловкий; в плохом настроении, подавленный
Drill (Dev) - v тратить врем€ попусту; замедл€ть, задерживать;
заманить; заставить что-либо делать с помощью лести
Dupl (= do up) (Wil) - v открывать; закрывать, запирать; быстро идти
Dwall (Som, Dev) - v бредить, говорить бессв€зно; n легкий сон
Dwam (Dev) - n обморок; приступ болезни
Ear (Wil, Som) - v пахать землю
Easse (Wil, Som) - n земл€ной червь
Elt, Hilt (Som, Dev) - n молода€ свинь€
Eve (Wil, Dev, Cor) - v потеть, выдел€ть влагу; та€ть
Evil (Dev, Cor) - n вилы дл€ навоза; вилы; v сгребать вилами
Fadge (Som, Dev, Cor) - v подходить, быть подход€щим друг дл€ друга:
They donТt fadge well together; соглашатьс€; преуспевать; делать работу кое-
как, спуст€ рукава; идти с трудом, медленно; n вид пирога; св€зка, сноп;
определенное количество чего-либо
Fady (Dev, Cor) - adj сырой
Fage (Som) - v льстить, подлизыватьс€; обманывать
Fain (Dev) - v просить мира (в детских играх: Fain it! Ђ—даюсь!ї; adj
счачтливый, довольный; adv охотно; n (о мукй) плохого качества
Farewell (Wil, Som, Dev) - n привкус: The butter leaves a clammy
farewell in the mouth.
Favour (Dev) - v помогать, облегчать
Fawny (Dev) - n кольцо
Feat (Wil, Dev) - adj довольно большой (по размеру или количеству);
значительный; опр€тный; красивый
Feer (Wil) - v пройти первую борозду при пахоте; n борозда
Fenny, Vinny (Wil) - adj покрытый плесенью
Fitten (Wil, Som) - n уловка, предлог; каприз, причуда
Flag (Wil, Dev) - n лист растени€
Flaw (Dev, Cor) - n внезапный порыв ветра
Flawn, Flome (Dev) - n оладь€, блин; деревенский праздник, на котором
подают блины; блюдо из взбитых €иц и молока
Fleck (Som) - n п€тно; царапина на коже; дефект на одежде
Fur (Som, Dev, Cor) - v бросать, кидать; дергать за уши; перебиватьс€,
сводить концы с концами: IТve nobbut a shillinТ to fur tТweek on with.
Furcom, Fircom (Wil, Som) - n суть, существо, основа какого-либо дела;
pl все обсто€тельства дела: IТll tell Тee all the fircoms onТt.
Gaff (Dev) - n крючок; дешевый театр; выступление на деревенской
€рмарке; хоз€ин, начальник
Gale (Som, Dev, Cor) - n периодическа€ плата за что-либо, рента
Glam (Dev) - n рана
Gout (Cor), Gutt - n капл€; сгусток чего-либо; adj Gouty - сучковатый,
Graft (Cor, Dev, Som, Wil) - n овраг, углубление в земле; случайна€
Great (Dev) - adj большой по размеру: The glass is great enough. His
brother is great and strong; дружественный, в хороших отношени€х: My
brother is very great with the lad; great folks - большие друзь€; adv
очень: great foul, great likely, great mich, a great high wall; сдельна€
работа: great-work; work by the great
Hackle (Wil) - n одежда; шерсть животных; оперение птиц; v хорошо
сидеть (об одежде)
Hag(g) (Som, Wil, Dev) - v подстрекать, провоцировать; дразнить; n
лес, роща; крута€ скала
Halsen (Som, Dev, Cor) - v предсказывать; предрекать непри€тности
Hange (Som, Dev, Cor) - n внутренности (печень, легкие, сердце) какого-
Harl(e) (Som) - v тащить, т€нуть; сгребать; медленно двигатьс€
Hathe (Som) - n плотна€ оболочка, покров; be in a hathe - быть
покрытым сыпью оспы или другой болезни
Hathern (Som) - n перила: I first catched a hold oТthe hathern so I
jissy saved I.
Havage (Dev, Cor) - n происхождение, родословна€
Hearst (Som, Dev) - n молода€ самка олен€
Hile (Som) - n несколько стогов, сложенных вместе; v (о скоте) бодать;
Hint (Wil) - v собирать, складывать;
(Som) - v в€нуть, сохнуть
Ho, Hoe, How (Som) - v скучать о ком-либо; заботитьс€, про€вл€ть
внимание к кому-либо, ухаживать за кем-либо
Hocksy (Wil), тж. OXY - adj в виде жидкой, липкой гр€зи
Hog (Dev) - n куча (картофел€ или других овощей), укрыта€ соломой и
землей от мороза и дожд€; бурт
Hoggan (Cor) - n пирог со свининой (тж. Fuggan, Hobban); плод
Holiday (Cor), Holliday - n место, оставленное нетронутым при стирании
пыли с чего-либо, при покраске
Hope (Som) - n впадина между холмами; долина, через которую протекает
ручей, но тж.: холм; бухта
Kindle (Som) - v (о небольших животных, особенно кроликах) производить
Lag (Cor) - v обрызгать гр€зью
Lammock (Cor) - n негод€й
Lart (Som, Dev) - n пол (особенно в верхней комнате или на чердаке);
Lashing (Dev, Cor) - n pl (тж. Lashings and Lavins) большое количество
чего-либо; adj большой, огромный
Law (Som, Dev) - n холм; насыпь; груда камней; v складывать в стога
Leap (Som) - n больша€ корзина
Lear (Dev, Som) - adj пустой
Let, Lat (Wil, Som, Cor) - v мешать, останавливать, не пускать;
перестать; n задержка, преп€тствие: without let or hindrance
Letch (Som, Dev) - n сильное желание; причуда
Letting - adj (о погоде) дождливый
Lewth (Wil, Som, Dev) - n убежище; место, защищенное от ветра
Lewze, Looze (Som, Dev) - n свиной хлев
Lich (Som, Dev) - n труп
Lidden (Som, Dev, Cor) - n песн€; монотонный припев
Lide (Wil, Cor) - n мес€ц март
Lig, Liggan (Cor) - n вид водорослей; удобрение из водорослей или
Linch (Dev, Cor) - v бить
Lissom (Wil, Som, Dev) - n тонка€ полоска чего-либо; слой
Litten (Wil, Som) - n кладбище
Lock (Som, Dev, Cor) - n определенное количество чего-либо, обычно
Lodden (Cor) - n лужа, небольшой пруд
Log (Dev, Cor) - v колебатьс€, качатьс€
Loker (Dev) - n рубанок
Lourve, Luffer, Loover (Som) - n дымоход, печна€ труба
Low (Dev) - n плам€; свет
Mang (Wil, Som, Dev) - v смешивать
Maskel (Som, Dev) - n зелена€ гусеница; небольшое сморщенное €блоко
Masker (Dev) - v потер€ть сознание: He got maskered iТthe snow-storm
oТthe hill; лишатьс€ рассудка; душить, задохнутьс€: He coughs sometimes
like as if heТd masker; гнить; ржаветь
Maxim (Som, Dev, Cor) - n выдумка, способ действи€: IТve tried every
sort oТ maxims wiТ un, but I canТt make-n grow; pl проказы, шутки; v
играть: I zeed min maximinТ about in the fielТ.
Magzard (Som, Dev, Cor) - n сорт мелкой черной вишни
Meech (Som, Dev) - v пробиратьс€ украдкой (about); пропустить зан€ти€,
не €витьс€ на работу; лодырничать; попрошайничать, собирать милостыню;
Meet (Dev) - adj должный, нужный, правильный
Ment (Som) - v быть похожим на кого-либо: He mentТs his father; n
Mickle (Wil) - adj, adv много
Mickled (Dev) - ppl: mickled with cold - окоченевший от холода;
задыхающийс€, пересохший от жары (рот, глотка)
Mock (Som, Dev, Cor) - n пень дерева (с корн€ми), больша€ палка; adv
Mocking - попеременно, поочередно: I think, sir, that we had better put in
them plants mocking; v быть расположенным вперемешку: The black squares on
a chess-board mock each other.
Mog(g) (Som) - v обидетьс€; хандрить; отказыватьс€ от пищи
Mogue (Som) - v обманывать; насмехатьс€
Mole (Som) - n тем€; затылок
Moot (Som, Dev, Cor) - n пень; v двигать, передвигать; намекать на что-
Mop (Wil) - n €рмарка, на которой нанимались слуги и
сельскохоз€йственные рабочие; увеселительное сборище
More (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n корень дерева или растени€; побег;
растение, цветок, кустарник; v приживатьс€ (о растении); выкорчевывать,
вырывать с корнем
Noil (Som) - n коротка€ шерсть, оставша€с€ после стрижки; отходы
Nool (Cor) - v бить; Nooling - n побои
Northering (Som, Dev) - ppl, adj несв€зный (о речи); не в своем уме,
Not (Som, Dev) - adj гладкий, в хорошем состо€нии (о поле); Notted -
Oast, East (Dev) - n печь дл€ сушки хмел€; сырна€ масса до ее удалени€
Oaze, Hose (N-W Dev) - n pl вывески
Oddy, Hoddy (Wil) - adj сильный, энергичный, живой
Old (Dev) - adj большой, сильный, обильный, великолепный: auld to do =
a great fass, auld wark - то же; old doing = great sport, great feasting,
an uncommon display of hospitality; a pratty old tap = a great speed;
умный, серьезный; талантливый (ребенок): He looked very old about it. The
child was little and old; хитрый, изворотливый: HeТs too old for you. He
looked very old at me = he looked very knowingly (distrustfully, angrily,
askance) at me.
Ollet, Elet (Wil) - n сухие и гнилые ветки, используемые как топливо
Orch, Horch (Dev) - v бодать
Ore (Dev, Cor) - n морска€ водоросль; водоросль, выброшенна€ на берег
Orrel (Cor) - n высокое крыльцо, веранда
Paise (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - v взвешивать (особенно на руке); подымать
Pame (Som, Dev) - n фланелева€ пеленка; оде€ло, в которое заворачивают
ребенка перед крещением
Pancheon (Cor) - n большое глин€ное ведро (особенно дл€ молока)
Peach (Cor) - v заманивать (с away); Peacher - n приманка
Ped (Dev, Cor) - n кл€ча, л€гушка
Pelf (Dev, Cor) - n мусор, отходы; мех, руно; деньги (вульг.)
Peller (Cor) - n колдун; знахарь
Pilch (Som, Cor) - n (треугольна€) пеленка
Pind, Pindy (Som) - adj плесневый, несвежий
Play (Som) - v варить, кип€тить: DidТth pot play when you come?; не
работать; ~ in - начинать; ~ up - ругать
Plim (Som, Dev) - v распухнуть, увеличиватьс€ в объеме, вздуватьс€;
Pomster, Pompsy, Pounster (Som, Dev, Cor) - n знахарь; v заниматьс€
врачеванием без достаточных медицинских знаний: DonТt pomster thyself.
Pook (Wil, Som, Cor) - n стог, кипа, куча; v т€нуть; ощипать (курицу)
Prill (Som, Dev, Cor) - v скиснуть, свернутьс€ (о молоке), испортитьс€
(о характере, настроении человека): a-prilled, a-pirled
Punish (Dev) - v причин€ть боль, страдание; ранить; переносить боль:
His leg did punish him so. I punished so in the new boots; съесть,
Pur (Som) - n баран
Put (Som, Cor, Dev, Wil) - v посылать; заставл€ть что-либо делать; put
in - распр€гать; переносить, терпеть (страдани€); выполн€ть что-либо; put
out - обнаруживать, обнародовать; put to (till) - допрашивать; мучить;
запр€гать; закрывать; v толкать
Quank (Wil) - v превозмочь; успокоить; adj тихий, спокойный
Quar (Som, Dev) - v (о молоке) свернутьс€; задыхатьс€
Quarrel (Dev, Som, Cor, Wil) - n оконное стекло
Queachy (Som) - adj болотистый, сырой
Quilkin (Dev, Cor) - n л€гушка, жаба
Rag (Dev) - n иней; туман; морос€щий дождь
Rake (Cor) - n путь, маршрут, направление; путешествие; груз, который
можно перенести за один раз; большое количество
Rally (Som, Dev) - v быстро идти, спешить; будить, подымать ото сна;
ругать, громко говорить
Rames (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n pl скелет, каркас; засохша€ ботва
картофел€ и других растений
Rane (Som, Dev) - n трещина (напрмер, в дереве); рваное место (одежды)
Rap (Som, Dev, Cor, Wil) - v мен€ть, выменивать на что-либо; n сделка
Tallet (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n помещение дл€ хранени€ сена на чердаке
или над стойлом; чердак
Tave (Som) - v беситьс€, бушевать, боротьс€; выполн€ть т€желую работу;
спешить; быстро идти; n трудность (в том числе материальна€)
Tease (Som) - v разматывать
Teel (Wil, Cor, Som, Dev) - v прислон€ть к чему-либо; открывать: tile
a gate; не отступать от своего решени€; упр€мо делать что-либо
Teen (Cor, Dev) - n закрывать
Tell (Som, Cor) - v считать, рассчитывать: Did you tell the clock when
it stuck?; платить (обычно с out, down): They must tell down good five
pounds; приговорить (к какому-либо наказанию): The judge told a man for
Temporary, Tempery, Tempory (Som) - adj слабый, хрупкий, непрочный: My
clock - warks are gettinТ rather temporary. YeТre a temporary creature.
Wake (Wil) - n прорубь на озере или на реке; деревенский праздник (pl)
Wall (Som) - v кипеть
Wang (Som) - n часть плуга; v гнутьс€, прогибатьс€ (от груза); падать
Want (Som, Cor, Wil, Dev) - n крот
Warth (Som) - n луг (особенно близкий к ручью); берег
Wat (Cor) - n за€ц
Weel, Weil (Cor) - n корзина из прутьев дл€ ловли рыбы
Wem, Wen (Cor) - n п€тно, изъ€н; дыра на одежде
Went, Vent, Want, Wint (Som, Cor, Dev) - n дорога, коле€;
пересекающиес€ дороги; v идти; скиснуть (о жидкост€х, особенно о молоке)
Win (Som, Dev) - v сушить (злаки, сено, торф и т.д) на воздухе; n
Wink (Cor) - n пивной магазин
Wride (Cor, Som, Dev) - v (о растени€х) давать несколько отростков от
одного корн€; распростран€тьс€; расшир€тьс€; n куст
Yote (Wil, Som) - v лить, выливать, поливать; глотать, жадно пить
1. In considering the history and development of the English language we
may maintain that a regional variety of English is a complex of regional
standard norms and dialects. We must admit, however, that rural dialects,
in the conservative sense of the word, are almost certainly dying out (e.g.
the Cornish language): increasing geographical mobility, centralization and
urbanization are undoubtedly factors in this decline. Owing to specific
ways of development, every regional variety is characterized by a set of
features identical to a variety of English.
In the United Kingdom RP is a unique national standard.
About seventy or so years ago along with regional types dozen
upon dozens of rural dialects co-existed side by side in the country. The
situation has greatly changed since and specifically after the Second World War.
Dialects survive for the most part in rural districts and England is a highly
urbanized country and has very few areas that are remote or difficult to access. Much of
the regional variation in pronunciation currently to be found in the country is
gradually being lost. On the other hand, it is important to note that urban dialects are
undergoing developments of a new type, and the phonetic differences between urban
varieties seem to be on the increase.
The United Kingdom is particular about accents, in the sense that
here attitudes and prejudices many people hold towards non-standard
pronunciations are still very strong.
Therefore RP has always been and still is the
УprestigiousФ national standard pronunciation, the so-called implicitly accepted social standard.
In spite of the fact that RP speakers form a very small percentage of the British
population, it has the highest status of British English pronunciation and is genuinely
2. The comparative analysis of the phonetic system of the regional
varieties of English pronunciation shows the differences in the
pronunciation in the system of consonant and vowel phonemes.
3. The comparative analysis of the grammar presents the difference between
the standard language and the dialects of the South-West of England.
In conclusion we may say that the problems of the regional dialects
(its phonetic, grammar and lexical systems) open up wide vistas for further investigations.
B I B L I O G R A P H Y.
1. Ѕродович ќ.». ƒиалектна€ вариативность английского €зыка: аспекты
теории. Ћ., 1988
2. ћаковский ћ.ћ. јнглийска€ диалектологи€. —овременные английские диалекты
¬еликобритании. ћ., 1980
3. Ўахбагова ƒ.ј. ‘онетические особенности произносительных вариантов
английского €зыка. ћ., 1982
4. Allen B.H., Linn M.D. Dialect and language variation, Orlando, 1986
5. Brook G.L. English Dialects, Oxford Un. Press, 1963
6. Brook G.L. Varieties of English, Lnd, 1977
7. Cheshire J. Variation in an English dialect. A sociolinguistic study,
Cambridge Un. Press, 1982
8. Crystal D. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language,
9. Encyclopedia Britannica CD 2000 Deluxe Edition
10. Gimson A.C. An Introduction to the Pronunciation of English, Lnd, 1981
11. Hughes and Trudgill, English accents and dialects: An introduction to
social and regional varieties of British English, Lnd, 1979
12. Malmstrom J., Weaver C Transgrammar. English structure, style and
dialects, Brighton, 1973
13. Shaw G.B. Pygmalion, NY, 1994
14. Sheerin S., Seath J., White G. Spotlight on Britain, Oxford, 1990
15. Shopen T., Williams J.M. Standards and dialects in English, Cambridge,
16. Trudgill P. On dialect: Social and Geographical Perspectives, NY and
17. Trudgill P. Dialects in Contact, Oxford, 1986
18. Trudgill P., Chambers J.K. Dialects of English Studies in grammatical
variation. Longman, є9
19. Wakelin M.F. Discovering English Dialects, Shire Publications LTD, 1978
20. Hornby A.S. Oxford Advanced LearnerТs Dictionary of Current English,
Oxford Un. Press, 1996
Audio tapes analysed:
21. Accents, Glossa Melit, M., 2000
TV program analysed:
22. Holiday in the Southwest, the channel УDiscoveryФ, 2000
The principal industries here are farming and tourism. There are some
very big farms, but most are small family farms with a mixture of cows,
sheep and crops. The main emphasis is on dairy products - milk and butter.
On Exmoor and Dartmoor, two areas of higher land, conditions are ideal for
rearing sheep and beef-cattle.
Industry is centered on three large ports: Bristol in the north, and
Portsmouth and Southampton in the south-east. In Bristol, aircraft are
designed and built. In Portsmouth and Southampton, the main industries are
shipbuilding and oil-refining.
1. Holiday time in the West Country.
The countries of Devon, Cornwall and Somerset are often called the
West Country. They have always been popular with holiday-makers, so there
are a large number of hotels, caravan - and camping-sites and private
houses and farms which offer bed and breakfast. There is a beautiful
countryside, where people can Уget away from it allФ, and the coastline
offers the best beaches and surfing in England. Also, the weather is
usually warmer than in the rest of the country.
2. West Country Food.
The national drink of Devon is a cream tea. This consists of a pot of
tea and scones served with strawberry jam and cream. The cream is not the
same as that found in the rest of the country. It is called clotted cream,
and it is much thicker and yellower than ordinary cream. And there is
another national dish called a Cornish pasty.
Pasties used to be the main food of Cornish miners fishermen about 150
years ago, because they provided a convenient meal to take to work. They
were made of pastry which had either sweet or savoury fillings, and were
marked with the ownerТs initials on one end. This was so that if he did not
eat all his pasty at once he would know which one belonged to him!
Somerset has always been famous for its cheeses. The most popular
variety is probably УCheddarФ, which is a firm cheese. It usually has a
rather mild flavour but if it is left to ripen, it tastes stronger, and is
sold in the shops as Уmature CheddarФ. It takes its name from a small town,
which is also, a beauty-spot well-known for its caves, which contain
stalagmites and stalactites.
A West Country famous drink is Somerset cider or "Scrumpy" as it is
called. Cider is made from apples and is sold all over the United Kingdom,
but scrumpy is much stronger, and usually has small pieces of the fruit
floating in it.
The country of Wiltshire is most famous for the great stone monuments
of Stonehenge and Avebury, and the huge earth pyramid of Silbury. No
written records exist of the origins of these features and they have always
been surrounded by mystery.
Stonehenge is the best known and probably the most remarkable of
prehistoric remains in the UK. It has stood on Salisbury Plain for about
4000 years. There have been many different theories about its original use
and although modern methods of investigation have extended our knowledge,
no one is certain why it was built.
One theory is that it was a place from where stars and planets could
be observed. It was discovered that the positions of some of the stones
related to the movements of the sun and moon, so that the stones could be
used as a calendar to predict such things as eclipses. At one time, people
thought that Stonehenge was a Druid temple. The Druids were a Celtic
religious group who was suppressed in Great Britain soon after the Roman
Conquest. Some people believe that they were a group of priests, while
others regarded them as medicine-men who practised human sacrifice and
Because Stonehenge had existed 1000 years before the arrival of the
Druids, this theory has been rejected, but it is possible that the Druids
used it as a temple. The theory is kept alive today by members of a group
called the УMost Ancient Order of DruidsФ who perform mystic rites at dawn
on the summer solstice. Every year, they meet at Stonehenge to greet the
first midsummer sunlight as it falls on the stones and they lay out
symbolic elements of fire, water, bread, salt and a rose.
Another interesting theory is that the great stone circle was used to
store terrestrial energy, which was then generated across the country,
possibly through Уley linesФ. УLey linesФ is the name given to invisible
lines, which link up ancient sites through out Britain. They were thought
to be tracks by which prehistoric man travelled about the country, but now
many people believe that they are mysterious channels for a special kind of
4. The sea-ships and sailors.
The coastline of the Southwest of England stretches for 650 miles
(over 1000 km), and has many different features: cliffs, sand, sheltered
harbours, estuaries and marshes. It is not surprising that much of the
activity in this region has been inspired by the sea.
Side by side on the south coast of Hampshire are the two ports of
Portsmouth and Southampton. Portsmouth is the home of the Royal Navy, and
its dockyard has a lot of interesting buildings and monuments. There is
also the Royal Naval museum, where the main attraction is Horatio NelsonТs
flagship, the УVictoryФ.
Southampton, on the other hand, is a civilian port for continental
ferries, big liners, and oil and general cargo.
Many great sailors had associations with the West Country, for
example, Sir Walter Raleigh, the Elizabethan explorer, and Horatio Nelson,
who lived in Bath in Somerset. The most famous sailor of recent times, was
Sir Francis Chichester, who returned to Plymouth after sailing round the
world alone in УGypsy MothФ.
In Bristol, to the north, one of the largest Victorian steamships, the
УGreat BritainФ, has been restored. It was the first iron ocean - going
steamship in the world and was designed by a civil and mechanical engineer
with the unusual name of Isambard Kingdom Brunel (1806-1859). He not only
designed three ships (including the first transatlantic steamer, the УGreat
WesternФ), but also several docks and a new type of railway that enabled
trains to travel at greater speeds. He also designed the first ever tunnel
underneath the Thames and the Clifton Suspension Bridge.
Unfortunately, this coastline, in particular that of Cornwall, is
famous - or infamous - in another way too. The УfootФ of Cornwall has the
worst of the winter gales, and in recorded history there have been more
than fifteen shipwrecks for every mile of coastline. There is even a
shipwreck centre and museum near St. Austell where there is an amazing
collection of items that have been taken from wrecks over the years.
There are a lot of stories about Cornish УwreckersФ who, it is said,
tied lanterns to the tails of cows on cliff-tops or put them on lonely
beaches when the weather was bad, so that ships would sail towards the
lights and break up on the dangerous rocks near the coast. The wreckers
would then be able to steal anything valuable that was washed up on to the